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SINO DAILY
How the mighty are fallen: selfies and smiles in Zhou village
By Neil CONNOR
Xiqiantou, China (AFP) June 12, 2015


China sees backlash to graft-busting 'tiger' hunt: analysts
Beijing (AFP) June 12, 2015 - The jailing of China's former security chief Zhou Yongkang marks the highest point of a corruption crackdown pushed by President Xi Jinping, but efforts appear to be slowing with analysts citing opposition from officials.

Sentenced to life in prison on Thursday, Zhou was once arguably China's third most powerful man, in charge of the country's police, courts and secret service when he retired in 2012.

The prosecution of such a figure shows Xi has consolidated a formidable power base in the ruling Communist party since he became its head in the same year.

But an apparent slowing in the pace of graft probes aimed at senior officials labelled by Xi as "tigers" suggests internal opposition is slowing his high-profile campaign against graft, analysts said.

As a former member of the party's elite Politburo Standing Committee, Zhou is the most senior former official to be jailed for corruption since the Communist party took power almost 70 years ago.

"There was previously a tacit agreement not to tackle anyone on the standing committee," Zhang Ming, politics professor at Beijing's Renmin University said.

"That agreement has now been broken."

The Communist party tightly controls China's court system, determining verdicts in major trials through an opaque process of backroom negotiation.

Analysts said Xi's power is constrained by retired officials such as former President Jiang Zemin, who are eager to protect their reputations and allies in the party.

Joseph Fewsmith, Chinese politics professor at Boston University, said Zhou's downfall "marks a major milestone in Xi's consolidation of power".

But he added: "(party) elders would have had to agree with the verdict".

China's Communist party has around 86 million members, and its internal disciplinary body said 232,000 were punished for graft and other reasons in 2014, up 30 percent from the previous year.

But the vast majority were at lower-levels of government.

- Tigers to foxes -

Rumours of lavish lifestyles and massive corruption of former top-level politicians persist in China.

Strict controls on media mean domestic journalists are effectively barred from publishing independent investigations into senior officials.

An investigation last year by the US-based International Consortium of Investigative Journalists said that relatives of Xi and former premier Wen Jiabao used offshore tax havens to hide their wealth.

In 2012, the New York Times and Bloomberg News published investigations into vast riches said to have been amassed by family members of Wen and Xi.

China said the New York Times report had "ulterior motives".

Though nearly a year has passed since the party said it was probing Zhou, it has not since announced the investigation of any figures close to his level.

State media have focused on a "fox hunt", as the party has labelled its attempts to return to China officials who have fled abroad with allegedly ill-gotten gains.

But the names of the "foxes" identified contain no former high-fliers, and Australian media reported that a local bus driver accused of low-level bribery was among those targeted.

Willy Lam, a political analyst at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, said Zhou's jailing represents "a kind of compromise" with other powerful figures in the party.

"Xi Jinping did not want to alienate too many people," he said, adding: "His anti-corruption campaign has made him many enemies".

He wielded enormous power as China's fearsome security chief, but at Zhou Yongkang's ancestral village, his relatives' tombs are now backdrops for selfies and curious visitors crush the hedges around the family home.

Zhou, who was jailed for life Thursday after a secret corruption trial, came from humble beginnings.

Born to an eel farmer in the sleepy community of Xiqiantou, he embarked on a journey through the oil industry to the apex of political authority and a place on the Communist Party's elite Politburo Standing Committee.

His role heading the Central Politics and Law Commission put him in charge of China's police, courts, jails and domestic surveillance. Shielded from scrutiny by a vast network of lieutenants in China's internal security network, Zhou was seen as untouchable.

But since his career crashed into ignominy as the most prominent target of the Communist Party's much-publicised anti-corruption drive, his birthplace has become a venue for political rubber-necking, rather than respect and deference.

Xiqiantou, outside Wuxi city in the eastern province of Jiangsu, is surrounded by industrial estates and new housing developments, and BMWs and Audis have to slow on the narrow lanes for clattering agricultural vehicles puffing black smoke into the humid air.

The imposing black and white Zhou family compound, complete with a tranquil moat, stands grandly at the centre of the village.

"Hey, see if you can get your camera through there," a man shouted to a group of young women, pointing to a black latticed window on the surrounding wall, before flattening a perimeter hedgerow in his quest for a clear shot.

His friends struck high-spirited poses as they took pictures of each other.

- Huge fortunes -

During a recent visit to the village by AFP, some visitors were more reflective, musing on how the once mighty can fall, as if at a Chinese Graceland.

After months of rumours, the party announced last July that Zhou -- who stepped down from the PSC in a once-a-decade leadership handover in 2012 -- was being investigated, before he was expelled and arrested last December.

He was sentenced to life in prison on Thursday, after admitting to charges of "bribery, abuse of power and leaking state secrets," according to state media.

The ancestral Zhou tombstones stand next to fields of strawberries around 500 metres behind the family home.

A freshly erected grave marks the resting place of Zhou Yuanxing, who passed away early last year, as the net closed on his older brother and shortly after his younger sibling Zhou Yuanqing was detained.

Yuanxing was the last of the three brothers to live at the Zhou compound -- built in 2008, after the house they grew up in was torn down -- residents told AFP, adding that other family members still live in the village.

The two older men both left decades ago, with Zhou Yuanqing becoming a local official. He was taken away by investigators along with his businesswoman wife. Influential magazine Caixin reported the pair had amassed huge fortunes from the web of corruption that surrounded Zhou Yongkang.

Yuanxing was said to have grown rich selling Wuliangye, a spirit from Sichuan -- a province formerly run by Zhou Yongkang.

Looking over the memorials one man shook his head.

"There is an old saying in China -- 'Evil actions bring evil onto ourselves'," pronounced the man, who declined to give his name but said he had travelled hundreds of kilometres to visit.

"The reason he had to fall is mainly his fault," he added. "He did so many evil things and didn't serve as a good official, so he got himself trapped by his own deeds."

A friend, smiling incongruously as he had his picture taken in front of a tombstone, interjected: "We didn't come here because we like him."

- 'The pride of Xiqiantou' -

Spontaneous street debates regularly erupt among the steady stream of previously unacquainted oglers in Xiqiantou, one of whom reiterated Chinese media reports that Zhou Yuanxing "acted as if he was better than other villagers".

But residents remembered him, and the family, in a different light.

"He was a simple man who rode a bicycle even when he got sick," said a man surnamed Li who lives near the Zhou compound.

The Zhou family were handed agricultural land after the Communists came to power in 1949, he said, and the trio's father worked hard for his sons' future.

"Zhou Yongkang is the son of an ordinary person, someone very poor," he said. "They (the brothers) acted like normal people."

It is a notable contrast to Zhou's nemesis Xi Jinping, the son of a Communist hero who grew up a privileged "princeling" before beginning his progress to the presidency.

"Some senior officials led a much more comfortable life than Zhou," Li said, adding that Zhou was "still the pride of Xiqiantou".

He paused to reflect on a very Chinese game of power politics, before offering his own version of a sentiment variously attributed to George Orwell, Winston Churchill, and Machiavelli.

"Those who win power have the right to decide who are good guys and who are the bad ones," he said.


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